Finally, somebody who gets it! Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. attempts to shed light upon the massive push to include more multiculturalism in education today, acknowledging the benefits of such a curriculum, while eloquently arguing that the obsession with celebrating diversity has been overemphasized, in effect damaging the composition of an American unity. Schlesinger begins with a brief history of immigration to America and the injustices various groups of people endured, followed by a explanation of the push to include more multicultural history in the curriculum of U.S. schools, the unscientific reasoning behind it, and America’s obsession with diversity that has backfired and nourished a corrosion of American unity. My review seeks to analyze Schlesinger’s major messages, and provide an agreeing response, reflecting upon my own multicultural and educational experiences.
“In the beginning America was…an entry into a new life, an interweaving of separate ethnic strands” – Schlesinger (29).
Schlesinger begins by reminding educators and citizens that at the beginning of colonization and throughout the industrial revolution, there was little interweaving taking place. The United States was becoming “an asylum of all nations” built on the précis that civic participation and community schooling molded ideal citizens, cleansed of original roots, memories, and ethnicities (30). Possession of national character meant taking an active role in society, supporting and defending the constitution of the United States and adopting the New Race as one’s own. Though the original thirteen colonies were population by a diversity of European emigrants, enslaved persons from African nations, in addition to Asian and Mexican Immigrants, British immigrants and Protestantism established the majority of American governmental culture. A prejudice against non-Protestants, and non-whites specifically was clearly felt. “Either a man is an American and nothing else, or he is not an American at all” raged President Theodore Roosevelt during the outbreak of World War I (41). During a period when the United States was fighting racial purification in Germany, American leaders were sending a similar message to our nation’s ethnic citizens, which was “you cannot become thorough Americans” if you continue to embrace your particular group (ethnic, racial, or religious group) – President Woodrow Wilson (41).
“History becomes a means of shaping history” – Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. (52)
As our nation moved to fight and end racial purification in Nazi Germany during World War I, ethnic groups in the U.S. were “struggling for power, and in desperate cases, for survival” (54). At the same time, “all Hitler was doing was imitating genocidal policies invented by Stalin” (57). As Schlesinger presents these truths, he reminds readers that American history has always been written in the “interests of White Anglo-Saxon Protestant males” (58). This is partly the reason why a barrage of U.S. states have passed “pure history” social studies curriculum laws, dedicated not only to accurately retell the facts of some of America’s ethnic heroes, but also to provide an accurate account of how minorities played important roles in U.S. history.
“186,000 blacks served in the Union Army” (65)
In the chapter, History the Weapon, Schlesinger enlightens readers by recognizing that a more pluralistic American culture has made a significant impact on the curriculum and teaching of American history. “Scholars now explore long-neglected fields as the history of women, of immigration, of blacks, Indians, Hispanics, [and] homosexuals” (71).
“History as a weapon is an abuse of history” – Schlesinger, (77)
While it is imperative to present a multicultural perspective on the history of America, Schlesinger repeats that we are in America and thus history still must be American, and it must be accurate. “The issue is the teaching of bad history under whatever ethnic banner” (81). Schlesinger then presents us with some questions: How do historians determine which cultures to celebrate in particular aspects of American history? Is it really the schools’ job to teach ethnic and racial pride? Lastly, “when does our obsession with differences begin to threaten the idea of an overarching American nationality?” – a concept our founding fathers theoretically sought to start our nation by implementing (81). The Battle of the Schools is Schlesinger’s concern that a multicultural education may be filled with half-truths, and outdated information. Secondly, what evidence is provided of a positive correlation between ethnic pride (specifically pertaining to American history) and of academic performance in school? Schlesinger points out that it is rather difficult to teach ethnic pride even in urban cities, where a particular school may comprise larger than the familiar twelve percent black population, though students have little to no ethnic ties to their long-ago African roots, and/or trace themselves back to a hundred or more ethnic tribes and nations. Surely, a course on black American history will cater to only a handful of students, and even then what evidence is there that this history lesson will raise their self-esteem?
In the Decomposition of America Schlesinger reveals an enlightening picture of our school systems far too concerned with meeting the multicultural needs of all students, for the unscientific reasoning that a greater understanding of one’s ethnic history equals a higher self-esteem and thus a higher performance in the world of academia. Our continued focus on low self-esteem through a multicultural account of accurate history is decomposing America. There are far too many other “hard and expensive challenges of our society – the need for safer schools, better teachers, better teaching materials, greater investments in education…stable families…jobs and income that can nourish stable families; and the need to stop the ravages of drugs and crimes” (105); these are the real needs of our society, and I tend to agree with Schlesinger.
A diverse education will always be important, but our obsession with catering to ethnic students’ backgrounds is beginning to make an individualized education impossible. Diversity should always be celebrated, but picking and choosing which specific diversities to officially celebrate, teach, and learn is near impossible. Black history month, for example, was established to celebrate the accomplishments of Black American leaders, but where is Japanese American history month? When is Chinese American history month? Surly we cannot group all Asian Americans into one celebration, just as it is ridiculous to assume that all Black students will relate to a Black American leader, simply because they may all have long-ago roots from Africa, and this will boost their self esteem and scholarship? As a native American (I call myself native because I was born in the U.S. and can trace my ancestry back 11 generations on all sides, having been also born and raised in America), I cannot say that I have an emotional connection to my long-ago ethnic roots of Ireland and Scotland. I have never visited either of these countries and no one in my family has as well. I am not particularly interested in Scottish American heroes, and don’t care to celebrate St. Patrick’s Day, though rest assured my self-esteem is normal, and I did well enough in school by embracing the national American culture. As Schlesinger points out, where is the evidence to support that an immense understanding of one’s ethnic background correlatives with a heightened level of self esteem, which equates to greater academic success? The real issue should is understanding what will continue to hold the United States together, and as a leader on the world stage?